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Structural Analysis of BODO Folk Tales

 - Dr. Anil Boro
    

Structuralism as method of study is a recent development in folklore and other disciplines. Structural study in Folklore is said to have emerged out of Formlism. About the origin and growth of structuralism and Formalism. Jacobson writes, "The basic tenet of the school was the structural analysis of literary work. Folklore owing to its specific features as a collective product - its recurrent, conventionalized and stylized structural components, it's highly pronounced formation characteristics and the semantic significance it ascribes to the sound and stylistic patterns became the principle ground of the formalist".

   

Besides, folklore, a number of other disciplines like linguistics, Anthropology Psychology, Poetics and Mathematics have been greatly influenced by Structuralism. In linguistics, Ferdinand de Saussure laid the foundation of synchronic approach to the study of language as opposed to the diachronic or historical approach in his "Course in General Linguistics"(1959). In Anthropology, Robert H. Lowie recognized the existence of the structural pattern as early as in 1914. Other Anthropologists like Boas, Watton, Roberts, Bodkin, and Ruth Benedict followed him and laid stress on the 'whole'as opposed to 'individual' elements.

   

Structural analysis of Folklore Material

  

The first ever attempt to make a structural analysis of Folk Tales was made Vladimir J.Propp. Publication of his "Morphology of the folk tale" (1928) ushered in anew era of structural approach to folklore. Propp was indebted to Bedier and Nikiforov for some of this epoch making innovations. He borrowed the concept of 'function', 'tale role' and 'the move' from Nikiforov. But he developed these into systematic analysis of the syntagmatics of tale. Propp borrowed the term morphology from Botany and applied it to the structure of the fairy tales or the Marchen. His method of analysis is known as syntagmatics as opposed to Levi Strauss's paradigmatic. Propp makes distinction between the form and content of a tale and analyse a tale on the basis of its linear sequence of elements. These elements have been designated as functions which are limited in number. These functions are thirtyone in number and these constitute the basic structure of a tale or the genre of marchen. Defining a function Propp writes, "Functions of characters serve as stable, constant elements in a tale, independent of how and by whom they are fulfilled. They constitute the fundamental components in a tale."2 He is of opinion that the number of functions in a tale is limited and that they have an identical sequence. His 'function' is nothing but an act of character defined from the point of view of its significance for the course of action. Propp not only identifies and defines the analytic units of a tale, he moves ahead to find out the sequence of these units, their combinations and their relation to each other and the tale as a whole. He endeavours hard to show that tales with different contents have the same structural pattern. The Proppian method of structural analysis can be applied to cross cultural and cross generic situations.

    

In sharp contrast to Propp stands Levis Strauss, the French anthropologist, who applied structural analysis to the myth of Oedipus. Strauss borrowed the concepts of 'langue' and 'parole' from Saussurian linguistics and applied them to the study myth. He regards 'myth' as a code which can be formulated in terms of 'signifier' and 'signified'. The code, Strauss believes, is construed in a set of binary relation of opposition or contrast like sky-earth, wild-cultivated, raw-cooked, male-female, good-bad and so on. In stead of entering into the depth of plot structure of the narrative, he breaks up the myth into shortest possible sentences and rearranges these into paradigms to arrive at 'mythemes' or the meaningful smallest unit of a myth. This method of analysis is known as 'paradigmatic'. Levis Strauss's method of analysis has attracted the attention of the scholars and folklorists around the world, but Strauss is critisised for confusing the structure of folklore with the structure of language.

   

In this paper an attempt has been made to apply the method of structural analysis to some folktales current in the Bodo language. In doing this the Proppian model has been followed to describe the structural composition of the Bodo folktales. This will show the plausibility of the Proppian model on cross-cultural and cross- generic situation. Structural analysis is still an unharvested field in this part of the North-East; so this endeavour will encourage folklorists to apply structural method of analysis to describe the folklore material of this region. Before we work out structural analysis of Bodo folktales, it is necessary to be familiar with the thirtyone functions and the methods and materials of structural analysis formulated by Propp. He formulated four typological categories on the basis of the 'functions' of the characters and the sequence in which the functions occur and recur in a tale. These are as follows: "Thus four classes are immediately formed: development through H-I, development through M-N, development through both H-I and M-N and development without either". 3 A tale in the Proppian model of analysis may start with villainy or lack in the development through struggle with the villain and end in victory. This typifies the tale of the H-I type. A tale may also develop through a difficult task and its accomplishment. This typifies the tale of M-N type. A tale may develop through both H-I and M-N function in different moves. This represents the third typological category. There are tales, which develop without either of the two functions mentioned above. A tale; according to Propp, may be either a single move or multi-move tale. "A 'move' is the development proceeding from villainy (A) or lack (a), through intermediary functions to marriage (w) or other functions employed as denouement. Each new act of villainy, each new lack creates a new move". 4 Single move tales are those which have only one move, i.e. only an act of villainy or lack. Tales of this type may be undecided into two sub groups:
                1. A-K (W)
                2. a-k (w)
Multi move tales are those, which have more than one acts of villainy or lack.

  

Villainy or lack and its liquidation are regarded as 'core functions' in a tale. There are also 'prefix functions' and 'suffix functions' in a tale. Prefix functions are those which occur at the preparatory part of the tale. There are seven prefix functions. These are: Absentation (ß), Interdiction (Y), Violation (S), Reconnaissance (E), Delivery (§) leading to actual villainy or lack. The suffix functions which follow the core functions are as follows: Hero's return (¯), Persuit (Pr.), Rescue (Rs), Unrecognized arrival (O), Claims of the false hero (L). Difficult task (M), Solution (N), Recognition of the Hero (Q), Exposure of the false hero (Ex.), Transfiguration (T), Punishment (V), wedding and accession to the throne (w). These suffix functions, however, may not occur together in a single tale.

   

Analysis of Bodo Folk Tales

   

The following example from Bodo folk tales will testify the functions in single move and multi move tale.

   

Single move tale:

   

The following is an example of single move tale:

   

The tale of Raona and Raoni:

  

In ancient times there lived a brother and a sister. The lad was called Raona and his sister's name was Raoni @ when came at age and it was time for their marriage, Raona developed love for his sister (a). Without telling her anything, he fixed a date for his marriage with Raoni. One-day paddy was spread out in the sun for the dehusked rice that would be necessary for the marriage. Raona and Raoni's grandmother was keeping watch over the paddy and driving away the birds saying the words: "Go away birds, do not eat up the paddy. My grandson and grand-daughter are going to marry and this paddy is meant for the marriage". Raoni heard what her grandmother had said. The information gave her an unpleasant shock (B4). In order to save herself from the wickedness of his brother, she flew straight way in to the sky (GF'). Raona saw her and she abused him in the name of their mother. She flew above the clouds and pursuing Raona began to roar in vexation. Raoni show him her back again and again. And that became the sparkle of lighting (H2) in the clouds. The voice of Raona became the roar of thunder (K7cont.).5.

   

The functions of the tales are:
@ á B4 GF1 H2 K7 cont.
The lack in the tale remains unfulfilled so that we have K7 contrast in the tale.

   

Multi move tale:

   

The following is an example of Bodo folk tale which has the structural typology of multi move tale:

    

The king has six queens. Each of them had one offspring @. But the king was not happy because sons were either lame or humpbacked (a). So, he married a beautiful maiden on his return from hunting. The newlywed gave birth to an egg. The king became angry and left her in the jungle (A). Her name was Phulshri. She led a miserable life in the jungle. To survve in the jungle, she had to fruits and beg. Seeing this, son inside the egg became full of sympathy for his mother and did all the cooking for her when she s away (F). Phulshri was surprised one day, when she discovered the son doing all the cooking. The boy said he was her son (KQ). Phulshri named him Dimashron. He became wellversed in sports and wrestling. He defeated the sons of the King in a race. He moved seven times round the city in one breath. One day there was a competition in horse riding. Dimashron started late, but he rode so fast, the sons of the king were left behind. They were surprised to see him taking rest under a tree. They bound him to a tree and mounted on their horse (A). Dimashron remained there weeping and unable to move. Tiger came near him and set him free to mount his horse again (K). They again stuck him with a nail on a tree (A) and mounted on their horse. The tigers came to help him (K).Then, he rode again faster and left them behind. This time they cut him into two pieces and rode fast (A). The tiger, tigress and mongoose came and gave him life again (K). He reached his destination before the of the kings.Then rode towards the nether world (?). He met Patalshri and married her (W). Then he rode to the raven King and fought against his sons and other hero (H). Phulshri accepted the king as her husband again (W). Then, he defeated demons on the way to Nólcshrir's place (H) and married her (W). Then he came to the Simlu tree. He went in search of the box telling the seven maidens to wait for him (?). He forbade them to shake the root of the tree (Y); but they shook the root out of curiosity whereupon the sons of the King took the maidens away to the Capital (Ø). When he reached the Simlu tree, he found the maidens missing (A). He came out with the help of a toad (K) and told everything to her mother; who, then approached the King. The King became happy to know that Dimashrón was his son (Q). He handed over the seven maidens to him and crowned him as the King (W6).

   

As stated already, Si-Brai came as a bachelor god, and an erect or a round stone (block) was His main emblem and a Sizu plant was his secondary emblem presumably of His striking power or weapon like the shaft (danda) in the hand of Hatakeswar or Hatakasulin Shiva (Golden Shiva) and the Trishul in the hand of Mahadeva. As the Bãthou aspirants could not go back for a stone block for use as the main emblem of Bathou Brai, they decided to use a Sizu branch as the main emblem and the round stone as his secondary emblem, symbolic of His eternity. A tradition about Sizu plant was popular at that time. This made the people's opinion favourable for selection of this plant. It is said that when Si-Brai created the vegetation world, He created the Sizu plant first and than when Mansinsin Brai came down from Heaven to the earth from time to time in the guise of a very old and wise man to His children, grandchildren. He used to sit under a Sizu (cactus) tree before the gathering of village the people and solved their social problems and imparted to the people the knowledge about Bathou Gudi, Bathou Brai, Si-Brai, cosmic creations, religions, ethics, morality and social norms needed to live a peaceful social life.

   

Now, there in place of a diagrammatic circle, a circular earth altar was raised. This would symbolize the universe i.e. the Brahmanda (the Egg of Brahma) in which God sows His seeds for manifestations or phenomena. From the standpoint of the fertile Earth, this circular altar would also symbolize the yoni -mondal of Ai Khãm-mãi-khi, as described in the Y.T. A Tulsi (basil) plant would be a secondary emblem of Ai Kãm-mãi-khi, to be regarded as Maithãnsri or Laksmi, another aspect of Devi. One more secondary symbol of Devi would be a life-egg of a hen representing her fertility aspect. Now installation: A branch of Sizu tree was brought from a parent Sizu tree performing puja and observing ancient matrilineal marriage system and planted in the centre point of the circular altar symbolizing yoni-mandal and then a round stone was placed near the Sizu plant; a tulsi plant was planted and an egg placed near it.

   

Now, to make this symbolization more spectacular and philosophically yogic or tantric, a rectangular flag of white cloth was hoisted from a pole planted to the east near the Bãthou circle (altar) to symbolize unmanifest Bãthou Gudi (Parama Shiva). Then, two poles hoisting triangular flags in cross (×) position and these replaced the two Brai-Brui triangles of the yogic diagram or yantra. This was the new symbolization in replacement of circle, a bindu and Brai-Brui triangles of yogic diagram or yantra for puja and meditation. In this symbolization-cum-altar, Brai-Brui again remained conjoined together. This could be viewed as the reintroduction of the Ludoi-Fa stone or Shiva-Linga in a new form marked by the absence of stone block as the main emblem.

    

But when the yoga or tantra age came to an end, the people gradually mixed up their age-old puja of the kherai or Ker deities with this simple yoga oriented system. Surrounded and obscured by the kherai deities, now designated as the Ganas of the Bathou couple in centre of the sacred circle, Bãthou-Sizu cult was transformed into a polytheistic religion. The scope for a Bãthou philosophy or its theological speculation has been further widened and at the same time made more obscure but challenging.

   
HOW A BODO IS BORN AND LIVE IN THE FAMILY.
THE FESTIVALS OF THE BODOS
GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF BATHOU (SIVA) WORSHIP AMONGST THE BODOS
DOKHONA
A CULTURAL HERITAGE OF THE BODOS
GROWTH AND DEVELOPMENT OF BATHOU (SIVA) WORSHIP AMONGST THE BODOS
THE WORLD OF BODO CREATIVITY : "IN THE PROBING EYES OF TODAY"
    
   
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